Thanks to the Galiza Sempre Foundation for organising this excellent, thought provoking event and for the invitation to speak here today, at what is such a critical time in the development of the European Union.

My first visit to Galicia and this beautiful city.

Special thanks to Ana Miranda who I worked with in the EP and we have kept in touch since then. Ana is a real inspiration to me, not only because of her commitment to the ambitions and ideals that we all share, but also because of her determination to put our ideas into practise and really change Europe.

I’m sorry I got here so late yesterday – blame Iberia not me - and missed the discussion session. I know that it was very productive. I hope that what I say will enable us to continue the discussion in that context.

I'm particularly pleased to be here with my former colleague from the European Free Alliance Group in the European Parliament, Camilo Nogueira - we served together in the European Parliament for five years. I learnt such a lot from Camilo and I’m sure I will again today.

I travelled here from Scotland, from two days working for the Westminster by-election in Glenrothes. For obvious reasons, in the last two days of the election this was their slogan – Yes we Can! They didn’t win this particular election, but that doesn’t undervalue the power or the meaning of the slogan. Not just because we can but because we have to. Until Europe represents and includes its real peoples it can never do what it aims to do.

We are meeting here in the week in which we celebrate the end of the first world war. The EU has succeeded in preventing wars between its member states. But the project to push it much further than that has currently ground to a halt. I believe that the reason for that lies in the way in which the EU has consolidated the power and influence of the member states. Let’s look at Wales.

I represent Wales in the European Parliament, like Galicia a country of just under three million people. The whole country is one constituency for Europe and we elect four MEPs. My party, Plaid Cymru, which means the party of Wales in Welsh, has the aim of an independent Wales within the European Union (Europe "yes" EEC "no"-capitalist club). Over the years we have had long debates about the terminology we use to describe our ambitions for Wales – self-government, full national status, and now independence in Europe. Europe provides framework for presenting independence as non-threatening. The use of the word “independence” has been controversial – not least because it is used by our political opponents – the British unionists – as a term of slander. They talk about it in terms of “cutting Wales off from Britain”, a very negative idea. whereas I believe it would be a very positive development for the sake of Europe.

And while, on the whole, we in Plaid Cymru are happy to use the word “nationalist” to describe ourselves, again it is used as an attack by the Labour Party and is even moreso in the European Parliament. Negative connotations. That is why we are more often referred to as the regionalists in Europe – a term that we wouldn’t use in Wales.

So when we look at ourselves and our parties and nations on the European (and international level), we start with the disadvantage that we don’t have (outwardly - publicly) a common identity. Compare that with the European Greens, for example, who have a very strong identity and whose members are called Green parties more or less in every country. They have a very strong and effective Federation of Young European Greens as well: identified by a clear message.

EFA does not have much meaning – reflecting the difficulties we have in communicating our message. We couldn’t come up with a better name for our group – partly because of the nationalist/regionalist problem. When it comes to the European election, we won’t be promoting EFA in Wales because no-one identifies with it.

So we need to look at how we are seen by others and whether or not we can find a way of promoting ourselves and our message in a more positive and identifiable way.

If I can return to Wales briefly: I believe ours is a good example of where some political action by the state government – brought about by our campaigning – has created a scenario where Plaid Cymru (and SNP) could develop in a way it has never before.

Before 1999 Wales was run by a Secretary of State appointed by the London government – often not Welsh or even not representing a Welsh constituency. That all changed with the Government of Wales Act in 1998 - following a referendum in 1997- and the establishment of the National Assembly in 1999. The Assembly has secondary law making powers – we can’t make our own laws but in the field of some twenty areas of policy we can implement the laws made at Westminster in London – such as agriculture, housing, culture, economic development, education, sport, environment, health and the Welsh language. The Assembly is funded by a block grant from London and has to tax varying powers.

The powers of the Assembly have been the subject of a great deal of debate since its inception. In its second term in power, Labour government introduced the Government of Wales Act 2006 which allows the Assembly to make a request to Westminster for Wales specific legislation, something known as a Legislative Competence Order. It is a complicated process that is subject to scrutiny by often hostile opposition party MPs in London. Their role should be verify that our Legislative Competence Order falls within the limits of what is allowed by law. But in recent weeks they have been rejecting these orders based on their political content - creating growing tensions between our National Assembly in Cardiff and the UK Parliament in London – and between Labour in Cardiff and London.

However, the GOW Act did provide for an Assembly with primary law making powers as long as two thirds of Assembly members, House of Commons, Lords and a yes vote in a referendum support it. So we are now preparing for a referendum on law making powers on the Scottish model. It is to be held before 2011 and an All Wales Convention has been set up to prepare the ground, consult people, gauge public opinion and create an inclusive national debate based on the reality of what difference this would make to the people of Wales and their everyday lives. We are working closely with NGOs on this.

The possibility of greater autonomy and a referendum on more powers could not have been achieved without the electoral success of Plaid Cymru which since last year has been in coalition government in Wales with the Labour party – first time ever. The referendum was a condition for the coalition deal known as 'One Wales'.

We have three ministers and one deputy minister in the 'One Wales Government' including the Deputy First Minister. Secured an agreement on Welsh Language Act, 3% annual emissions cut by 2011, no privatisation of health

So in the ten years of having the Assembly, Plaid Cymru has been transformed as a party, as have other parties. And we are one of seven European Free Alliance member parties in government in our respective nations or regions – including Galicia of course.

So what have we done in government to promote our own views of an alternative Europe? Through EFA we set up the Edinburgh Group last year which brought together culture ministers who signed an agreement to work together for the full recognition of al languages and cultures in Europe. The group meets again in Bilbao in December.

As parties, our precise goals and aims may vary, but we share a common belief in a democratic Europe of the peoples, regions, and historic nations. We in Plaid Cymru are working towards independent membership of the European Union for Wales. But what kind of Europe do we want to be a part of?

The European Union – like Wales - has changed dramatically over the past decade. It has grown from 15 to 27 member states, six of them smaller than Wales.

When they joined the EU countries like Estonia and Slovenia were poorer and less developed than Wales, but it is EU membership coupled with their national independence that will - by all accounts - enable them to overtake us economically within their first decade as members. And even in these uncertain economic times, we see EU membership providing the stability that is helping them to weather the storm.

But Europe itself is now in crisis again.

Much of the Lisbon Treaty - which replaced the rejected EU Constitution - does in my view provide a framework for the better administration and management of a growing European Union. It is far from perfect - and I will come to that in a moment - but it was never practical to assume to run a European Union of 28 or more members organised around the same set of rules that were developed for a Union of fifteen or less.

But this Treaty once again locks power in the EU at member state level, without making any real or meaningful progress in terms of subsidiarity (terrible terminology) or social Europe.

During the long debates on the Future of Europe – in the Convention and since - that prepared the way for the ill fated Constitutional Treaty and later Treaty of Lisbon, EFA was excellently represented by the SNP's Neil MacCormick, Professor of Law at Edinburgh University and a leading authority on constitutional law.

We put forward our alternative vision for the future of Europe – calling for more openness and democracy, and a more social Europe with gender equality and a charter of fundamental rights.

We pointed out that since two thirds of European legislation is implemented at the regional and local level, these levels of government should play an important part in European decision making. We proposed mechanisms to make this possible by giving real power to a reformed and more effective Committee of the Regions. Plaid Cymru, like many other EFA parties, was a keen supporter of the CoR. But what has it done? As an MEP, if I hadn’t been a former member of the CoR I wouldn’t know it even existed! It is organised on member states delegations and doesn’t represent the views of the regions – local authorities given equal prominence. If it isn’t reformed it should be abolished, and I don’t think we should be afraid of saying that. It is not an efficient vehicle for representing the views of the so-called regions in Europe but it is a way of the Commission and the Council paying lip service to the existence of other levels of government without acknowledging the need for real political engagement at those levels.

Our proposals in the debate have been sidelined as they most often have. But following the Irish referendum which stopped the ratification process in its tracks, these proposals are more relevant now than ever.

I do not accept for one moment as some would suggest that the Irish people didn't know what they were voting on - the reason most often given to explain the Irish No vote.

On the contrary, the Irish people knew what they were being asked to vote for and they rejected it. It was not a vote based on ignorance or confusion. Every house received a leaflet with a web address where they could read a simple summary of the treaty. It attracted 280,000 hits.

Yet my Irish colleagues in the European Parliament tell me that the Irish 'no' was not a rejection of the EU, but quite specifically of the kind of European Union set out in the Lisbon Treaty. Ireland has benefitted greatly from EU membership and the Irish people are very much in favour of it. But they don't support the future direction of the Union mapped out by the Lisbon Treaty. We will know more about the situation in December, but we know it is being proposed that the rules be changed so that Ireland is guaranteed a Commissioner.

We have an EU which is seen as distant and irrelevant by the people and at worst is seen as a gravy train and the fount of all unnecessary legislations and regulations for NGOs, business and civic society.

There has been no popular support or enthusiasm for the Lisbon Treaty or its predecessor. In member states where referendums were held governments struggled to explain the advantages of the proposals (the average person can't even read it) and instead frequently relied upon a call to 'vote in favour of Europe'. Turnouts were very low, even when a 'yes' vote was secured.

So I think that one of our aims should be to initiate a proper, honest debate on the future of Europe, presenting our alternatives once again. In Wales we wanted a referendum on Lisbon – not to oppose it but to have that debate. The right wing press and media reacted with horror – couldn’t believe that we wanted a vote but were in favour of the treaty.

Plaid Cymru’s slogan for the European elections is “On Your Side” (SNP). This reflects the fact that during the difficult economic times and in decision making at all levels, we are working with the people who want justice and equality and fairness. People want to be involved. For example, I have received 80 letters of support from Wales for my campaign to get co-official status for the Welsh language.

It is reasonable to ask why Welsh ministers are just observers at the Council of Ministers when issues of crucial importance to Wales are being discussed. And why Member States cast their votes in the Council en bloc every time when there may be competing interests. Agriculture is one excellent example. The member state cannot defend the interests of its constituent nations. At the very least the head of government in countries with devolved power should have permanent observer status in the Council. A revolving system of representation should ideally exist, with each nation taking their turn to represent the United Kingdom.

I think we have to come back to the principle of rights – defending and promoting peoples rights, whether on language and cultural issues or social and civic issues. If we start from a “rights” perspective then the rest will fall into place. Our proposals to the Convention on the Future of Europe included moves to make the EU more democratic by having a second chamber of the Nations and Historic Regions, which would be complementary to the European Parliament. As joint decision makers, this would change the dynamic of Europe. It included proposals for internal enlargement – the principle by which nations which are currently a part of member states would, on achieving their independence, become independent members of the EU according to the Copenhagen Criteria which now applies to applicant states. This would provide a clear and unambiguous path towards the achievement of real diversity and democracy. We have to move away from the idea of diversity equalling splits and promote the idea that diversity equals strength.

But we also have to move away from the idea that we are obsessed with the debate on constitutional change for its own sake. We have to demonstrate that this is the only way that the EU can truly engage with people and become relevant to their everyday lives.

In our manifesto for the European elections next year, Plaid Cymru will be proposing policies like a Tobin tax on financial speculation, a fuel duty regulator to harmonise fuel duty across Europe, a windfall tax on energy companies, for an improved Leonardo programme to give young people the experience of working and living in other countries, promoting fair trade, better state protection for savings and pensions and a two year moratorium on VAT on domestic fuel and power to help fight fuel poverty. These are the kinds of policies that will not only address the current crisis for the people we represent but show that Europe can really do something positive for peoples lives.

So, going back to the Irish referendum – the people are saying now “nothing about us without us”. They want to be involved in whatever deal Ireland gets in return for its support for the Lisbon Treaty.

We have to involve people too. How do we do that?

Specific practical steps:

- better image and language – how can we sell our vision to people if we can’t describe it properly ourselves

- our own convention – bring together the stateless nations to draw up an alternative treaty – legal experts

- cultural and language issues are what we are most connected with in the minds of the public – demonstrate that these are not side issues – the language we speak is at the heart of our politics and culture is one area where the EU can make a huge difference. Anti-globalisation.

- less Europe – more Europe for young people – better schemes – use new media – Facebook, Bebo, My Space – manifesto on memory sticks – U Tube – Obama

- learn from the World Social Forum the power of bringing together the NGOs and forces working for international peace and justice but make it relevant to all our nations

- prepare mini manifestos, DVDs – rural affairs, women, emissions

- focus on three signature policies that people understand and that we can promote in the elections and beyond

- put more pressure on Europe as the leader in the world fight against climate change – challenge EU to prove itself

- 1 million signatures campaign

- Nuclear free Europe

We have to take advantage of the enthusiasm and excitement created by Obama with his bold and radical approach and try and channel that our way. Because at a time when the EU is directionless our vision and ideas have never been more relevant or needed.